references.bib

@article{alesinaIntergenerationalMobilityPreferences2018,
  title = {Intergenerational {{Mobility}} and {{Preferences}} for {{Redistribution}}},
  author = {Alesina, Alberto and Stantcheva, Stefanie and Teso, Edoardo},
  year = {2018},
  month = feb,
  journal = {American Economic Review},
  volume = {108},
  number = {2},
  pages = {521--554},
  issn = {0002-8282},
  doi = {10.1257/aer.20162015},
  url = {https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.20162015},
  urldate = {2024-02-06},
  abstract = {Using new cross-country survey and experimental data, we investigate how beliefs about intergenerational mobility affect preferences for redistribution in France, Italy, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Americans are more optimistic than Europeans about social mobility. Our randomized treatment shows pessimistic information about mobility and increases support for redistribution, mostly for "equality of opportunity" policies. We find strong political polarization. Left-wing respondents are more pessimistic about mobility: their preferences for redistribution are correlated with their mobility perceptions; and they support more redistribution after seeing pessimistic information. None of this is true for right-wing respondents, possibly because they see the government as a "problem" and not as the "solution".},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Environmental Taxes and Subsidies Personal Income and Other Nonbusiness Taxes and Subsidies,Equity Justice Inequality and Other Normative Criteria and Measurement Political Processes: Rent-seeking Lobbying Elections Legislatures and Voting Behavior Taxation and Subsidies: Externalities,includes inheritance and gift taxes Wage Level and Structure,Promotion,Redistributive Effects,Wage Differentials Job Occupational and Intergenerational Mobility},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/8GF4TRXX/alesina_2018_intergenerational mobility and preferences for redistribution.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/KJMD6AKF/Alesina et al. - 2018 - Intergenerational Mobility and Preferences for Red.pdf}
}

@misc{alternativefuerdeutschlandGrundsatzprogramm2024,
  title = {{Grundsatzprogramm}},
  author = {{Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland}},
  year = {2024},
  month = feb,
  journal = {Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland},
  url = {https://www.afd.de/grundsatzprogramm/},
  urldate = {2024-02-06},
  langid = {ngerman},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/IG8VJSUR/grundsatzprogramm.html}
}

@article{bartelsTopIncomesGermany2019,
  title = {Top {{Incomes}} in {{Germany}}, 1871--2014},
  author = {Bartels, Charlotte},
  year = {2019},
  month = sep,
  journal = {The Journal of Economic History},
  volume = {79},
  number = {3},
  pages = {669--707},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  issn = {0022-0507, 1471-6372},
  doi = {10.1017/S0022050719000378},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-economic-history/article/top-incomes-in-germany-18712014/C74EAC8F800F7A17E4691419F143757D},
  urldate = {2024-02-01},
  abstract = {This study provides new evidence on top income shares in Germany from industrialization to the present. Income concentration was high in the nineteenth century, dropped sharply after WWI and during the hyperinflation years of the 1920s, then increased rapidly throughout the Nazi period beginning in the 1930s. Following the end of WWII, German top income shares returned to 1920s levels. The German pattern stands in contrast to developments in France, the United Kingdom, and the United States, where WWII brought a sizeable and lasting reduction in top income shares. Since the turn of the millennium, income concentration in Germany has been on the rise and is today among the highest in Europe. The capital share is consistently positively associated with income concentration, whereas growth, technological change, trade, unions, and top tax rates are positively associated in some periods and negative in others.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/68QGX27V/bartels_2019_top incomes in germany, 1871–2014.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/DQ5NDASP/Bartels - 2019 - Top Incomes in Germany, 1871–2014.pdf}
}

@article{beckerSeparationReunificationGermany2020,
  title = {The {{Separation}} and {{Reunification}} of {{Germany}}: {{Rethinking}} a {{Natural Experiment Interpretation}} of the {{Enduring Effects}} of {{Communism}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Separation}} and {{Reunification}} of {{Germany}}},
  author = {Becker, Sascha O. and Mergele, Lukas and Woessmann, Ludger},
  year = {2020},
  month = may,
  journal = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
  volume = {34},
  number = {2},
  pages = {143--171},
  issn = {0895-3309},
  doi = {10.1257/jep.34.2.143},
  url = {https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.34.2.143},
  urldate = {2024-02-25},
  abstract = {German separation in 1949 into a communist East and a capitalist West and their reunification in 1990 are commonly described as a natural experiment to study the enduring effects of communism. We show in three steps that the populations in East and West Germany were far from being randomly selected treatment and control groups. First, the later border is already visible in many socio-economic characteristics in pre-World War II data. Second, World War II and the subsequent occupying forces affected East and West differently. Third, a selective fifth of the population fled from East to West Germany before the building of the Wall in 1961. In light of our findings, we propose a more cautious interpretation of the extensive literature on the enduring effects of communist systems on economic outcomes, political preferences, cultural traits, and gender roles.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Economic Anthropology,Language,Political Processes: Rent-seeking Lobbying Elections Legislatures and Voting Behavior Economics of Gender,Property Rights Economic Sociology,Social and Economic Stratification},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/ALPRSLZ9/becker_2020_the separation and reunification of germany.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/TUTPXWIB/Becker et al. - 2020 - The Separation and Reunification of Germany Rethi.pdf}
}

@article{berghExplainingRisePopulism2022,
  title = {Explaining the Rise of Populism in {{European}} Democracies 1980--2018: {{The}} Role of Labor Market Institutions and Inequality},
  shorttitle = {Explaining the Rise of Populism in {{European}} Democracies 1980--2018},
  author = {Bergh, Andreas and K{\"a}rn{\"a}, Anders},
  year = {2022},
  journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
  volume = {103},
  number = {7},
  pages = {1719--1731},
  issn = {1540-6237},
  doi = {10.1111/ssqu.13227},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ssqu.13227},
  urldate = {2024-02-01},
  abstract = {Objectives This article aims to find country-level factors that explain the rise of populist parties in European democracies. While populism is often connected to inequality, we not that right-wing populist parties tend to thrive on fear, including fear of job loss. If flexible labor markets mean that unemployment is dedramatized because finding a new job is easier, labor market flexibility could dampen populism and inequality may be less important. Methods We run country-level fixed effects regressions on populist party vote shares in 26 European countries from 1980 to 2018. We use two different classifications of right-wing and left-wing populist parties and control for employment protection strictness as measured by OECD, Gini coefficients of disposable income, and a large set of control variables. Results Unemployment is positively associated with left-wing populism. Strict employment protection is positively associated with right-wing populism. Gini inequality of income is unrelated to (both types of) populism. Conclusion Strong employment protection and low-income inequality may not be the most efficient way to combat right-wing populism. A strategy that promotes flexible labor markets, and job upgrading may be an alternative. More research on the link between labor market institutions and (in particular, right-wing) populism is needed.},
  copyright = {{\copyright} 2022 The Authors. Social Science Quarterly published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of Southwestern Social Science Association.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Employment protection,inequality,populism,social spending,the welfare state},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/5VKPKH8S/bergh_2022_explaining the rise of populism in european democracies 1980–2018.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/JZEPUA6I/ssqu.html}
}

@article{bergmanLabourMarketPolicies2022,
  title = {Labour Market Policies and Support for Populist Radical Right Parties: The Role of Nostalgic Producerism, Occupational Risk, and Feedback Effects},
  shorttitle = {Labour Market Policies and Support for Populist Radical Right Parties},
  author = {Bergman, Matthew E.},
  year = {2022},
  month = nov,
  journal = {European Political Science Review},
  volume = {14},
  number = {4},
  pages = {520--543},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  issn = {1755-7739, 1755-7747},
  doi = {10.1017/S175577392200025X},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/labour-market-policies-and-support-for-populist-radical-right-parties-the-role-of-nostalgic-producerism-occupational-risk-and-feedback-effects/723D3CD1806C425395EAF6295BA82FEC},
  urldate = {2024-02-08},
  abstract = {One of the growing constituencies of populist movements has been those facing labour market risks. These individuals are hypothesized to be the most likely to find themselves in need of government protection or service provision as their occupations face challenges from abroad through global competition, domestically through competition from immigrant labour, or technologically from automation. Nations, however, vary in how their populations experience such risks. Some nations expend greater effort on job placement or retraining programmes. Others provide legislative protections for workers that shield them from the potential of lost employment. Using data from the latest three rounds of the European Social Survey, this paper seeks to examine how individual-level preferences towards populist radical right parties are mediated by the visibility/size of contemporary county-level efforts to ameliorate labour market risk in a sample of 14 West European nations. The analysis distinguishes whether occupational characteristics and/or government policies have a differential impact on supporting populist radical right parties. While labour market policies might be designed to mitigate labour market risk, for many individuals, they have the effect of intensifying support for populist parties.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {feedback effects,labour market policy,nostalgic producerism,populist right,voting behaviour},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/5XZQYYVT/bergman_2022_labour market policies and support for populist radical right parties.pdf}
}

@techreport{bosslerHoehererMindestlohnBetrifft2022,
  title = {{H{\"o}herer Mindestlohn betrifft mehr als jedes f{\"u}nfte Besch{\"a}ftigungsverh{\"a}ltnis}},
  author = {Bossler, Mario and B{\"o}rschlein, Erik and G{\"u}rtzgen, Nicole and Teichert, Christian},
  year = {2022},
  month = jul,
  address = {{Bonn}},
  institution = {{IAB}},
  url = {https://www.iab-forum.de/hoeherer-mindestlohn-betrifft-mehr-als-jedes-fuenfte-beschaeftigungsverhaeltnis/},
  urldate = {2024-02-16},
  abstract = {Ein Team des IAB skizziert in einem IAB-Kurzbericht, auf wie viele Besch{\"a}ftigungsverh{\"a}ltnisse sich die Erh{\"o}hung des Mindestlohns auswirken wird.},
  langid = {ngerman},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/WD5ZCG4R/hoeherer-mindestlohn-betrifft-mehr-als-jedes-fuenfte-beschaeftigungsverhaeltnis.html}
}

@article{brianburgoonPositionalDeprivationSupport2019,
  title = {Positional {{Deprivation}} and {{Support}} for {{Radical Right}} and {{Radical Left Parties}}},
  author = {{Brian Burgoon} and Burgoon, Brian and {Sam van Noort} and {van Noort}, S. and {van Noort}, Sam and {Matthijs Rooduijn} and Rooduijn, Matthijs and {Geoffrey R. D. Underhill} and Underhill, Geoffrey R. D.},
  year = {2019},
  month = jan,
  journal = {Economic Policy},
  volume = {34},
  number = {97},
  pages = {49--93},
  doi = {10.1093/epolic/eiy017},
  abstract = {We explore how support for radical parties of both the left and right may be shaped by what we call ``positional deprivation,'' where growth in income of individuals at a given point in the income distribution is outpaced by income growth elsewhere in that distribution. We argue that positional deprivation captures the combination of over-time and relative misfortune that can be expected to distinctly spur support for radical left and right parties. We explore this possibility by matching new measures of positional deprivation to individual-level survey data on party preferences in 20 European countries from 2002 to 2014. We find that positional deprivation is robustly correlated with supporting radical populist parties. First, positional deprivation generally, measured as average income growth across deciles of a country's income distribution minus a respondent's own decile's growth, is associated with respondents' retreat from mainstream parties and with support for both radical right and, particularly, radical left parties. Second, positional deprivation relative to the highest and the lowest ends of the income spectrum play out differently for radical-right and for radical-left support. A respondent's positional deprivation relative to the wealthiest decile's growth in his or her country tends to spur support for radical left but not radical right parties. In contrast, positional deprivation relative to the poorest decile's growth in a respondent's country tends to spur support for radical right but not left parties. The results suggest that the combination of over-time and relative economic misfortune may be key to how economic experience shapes radical backlash of the left and right.},
  annotation = {MAG ID: 2906021064},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/ZJ4CGEYL/brian burgoon_2019_positional deprivation and support for radical right and radical left parties.pdf}
}

@techreport{buschEuroCrisisAusterity2013,
  title = {Euro {{Crisis}}, {{Austerity Policy}} and the {{European Social Model}}},
  author = {Busch, Klaus and Hermann, Christoph and Hinrichs, Karl and Schulten, Thorsten},
  year = {2013},
  month = feb,
  institution = {{Friedrich Ebert Stiftung}},
  url = {https://library.fes.de/opus4/frontdoor/index/index/year/2017/docId/11896},
  abstract = {The harsh austerity measures that, according to official policy, are supposed to overcome the euro crisis have once again plunged Europe into recession in 2012. Austerity policy has proved -- in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain (GIPS) -- to be primarily an attack on wages, social services and public ownership.  The EU has developed a new form of wage policy interventionism (Euro Plus Pact, Six Pack). The principles of centralised collective agreements and general applicability are being undermined in the GIPS states and collective bargaining systems are being decentralised. Real wages fell in these four states from 2010 to 2012 at an above-average rate.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/NSM8AJLX/Busch et al. - Euro Crisis, Austerity Policy and the European Soc.pdf}
}

@article{cantoniPersistenceActivationRightwing2019,
  title = {Persistence and Activation of Right-Wing Political Ideology},
  author = {Cantoni, Davide and Hagemeister, Felix and Westcott, Mark},
  year = {2019},
  url = {https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/60795/1/Cantoni_Hagemeister_Persistence_and_Activation_of_Right-Wing_Political_Ideology.pdf},
  urldate = {2024-02-08},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/6IAW6J8V/cantoni_2019_persistence and activation of right-wing political ideology.pdf}
}

@incollection{cunninghamTrendsCollectiveBargaining2020,
  title = {Trends in {{Collective Bargaining}}, {{Wage Stagnation}} and {{Income Inequality}} under {{Austerity}}},
  booktitle = {Working in the {{Context}} of {{Austerity}}},
  author = {Cunningham, Ian and James, Philip},
  year = {2020},
  month = nov,
  pages = {71--96},
  publisher = {{Bristol University Press}},
  url = {https://bristoluniversitypressdigital.com/edcollchap/book/9781529208689/ch004.xml},
  urldate = {2024-02-16},
  abstract = {This chapter discusses the impact of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and austerity on collective bargaining and wage outcomes internationally. It adopts a perspective that sees the GFC and austerity as providing a convenient point from which to further consolidate neoliberalism's hold on society and simultaneously undermine one of the chief forms of resistance --- trade unions and collective bargaining. The chapter begins by exploring trends in collective bargaining in the EU and North America (US and Canada) in the post-GFC period. In doing so, it identifies a common trajectory in nation-state policies that encompasses a shift towards identifying the GFC as a public debt crisis; the blaming of trade unions and their members (in particular public sector workers) for the crisis; and the introduction of reforms to collective bargaining and union security designed to reinforce deflationary austerity policies. The chapter then examines trends in wage growth and equality since 2008 and considers the factors influencing them and the extent to which they can be viewed as a product of the neoliberal-informed economic policies and reforms adopted in response to the crisis.},
  chapter = {Working in the Context of Austerity},
  isbn = {978-1-5292-0868-9},
  langid = {english}
}

@misc{diebundeswahlleiterinBundestagswahl2021Endgultiges2021,
  title = {Bundestagswahl 2021: {{Endg{\"u}ltiges Ergebnis}}},
  author = {Die Bundeswahlleiterin},
  year = {2021},
  url = {https://bundeswahlleiterin.de/info/presse/mitteilungen/bundestagswahl-2021/52_21_endgueltiges-ergebnis.html},
  urldate = {2024-02-01},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/R7FB49JC/52_21_endgueltiges-ergebnis.html}
}

@article{dippelEffectTradeWorkers2022,
  title = {The {{Effect}} of {{Trade}} on {{Workers}} and {{Voters}}},
  author = {Dippel, Christian and Gold, Robert and Heblich, Stephan and Pinto, Rodrigo},
  year = {2022},
  month = jan,
  journal = {The Economic Journal},
  volume = {132},
  number = {641},
  pages = {199--217},
  issn = {0013-0133},
  doi = {10.1093/ej/ueab041},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/ej/ueab041},
  urldate = {2024-01-10},
  abstract = {We investigate economic causes of the rising support of populist parties in industrialised countries. Looking at Germany, we find that exposure to imports from low-wage countries increases the support for nationalist parties between 1987--2009, while increasing exports have the opposite effect. The net effect translates into increasing support of the right-populist Alternative for Germany party after its emergence in 2013. Individual data from the German Socio-Economic Panel reveal that low-skilled manufacturing workers' political preferences are most responsive to trade exposure. Using a novel approach to causal mediation analysis, we identify trade-induced labour market adjustments as an economic mechanism causing the voting response to international trade.},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/9QZZ3EWB/dippel_2022_the effect of trade on workers and voters.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/CTN5U8MK/6274674.html}
}

@misc{dodinSocialMobilityGermany2021,
  type = {{{SSRN Scholarly Paper}}},
  title = {Social {{Mobility}} in {{Germany}}},
  author = {Dodin, Majed and Findeisen, Sebastian and Henkel, Lukas and Sachs, Dominik and Schuele, Paul},
  year = {2021},
  number = {3892624},
  address = {{Rochester, NY}},
  doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3892624},
  url = {https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=3892624},
  urldate = {2024-02-01},
  abstract = {We characterize intergenerational mobility in Germany using census data on educational attainment and parental income for 526,000 children. Our measure of educational attainment is the A-Level degree, a requirement for access to university. A 10 percentile increase in the parental income rank is associated with a 5.2 percentage point increase in the A-Level share. This parental income gradient has not changed for the birth cohorts of 1980-1996, despite a large-scale policy of expanding upper secondary education. At the regional level, there exists substantial variation in mobility estimates. Place effects, rather than sorting of households, account for most of these differences.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Dominik Sachs,Lukas Henkel,Majed Dodin,Paul Schuele,Sebastian Findeisen,Social Mobility in Germany,SSRN},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/RK5CIMWM/dodin_2021_social mobility in germany.pdf}
}

@techreport{fischerEconomicDeterminantsPopulism2023,
  type = {{Text}},
  title = {{Economic Determinants of Populism}},
  shorttitle = {{DIW Berlin}},
  author = {Fischer, Carl Leonard and Meister, Lorenz},
  year = {2023},
  month = aug,
  pages = {14},
  address = {{Berlin}},
  institution = {{DIW Berlin}},
  url = {https://www.diw.de/de/diw_01.c.879785.de/publikationen/roundup/2023_0145/economic_determinants_of_populism.html},
  urldate = {2024-01-10},
  abstract = {The rise of populism challenges numerous Western democracies and their institutions. In this round-up, we examine economic and societal conditions that are driving forces behind populism. We focus on five domains that are closely interlinked with populist support: globalization, financial crises, migration, inequality, and social mobility. Each domain offers unique insights into how societal shifts, ...},
  langid = {ngerman},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/Z2JCQRF3/berlin_diw berlin.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/K3CWC6LG/economic_determinants_of_populism.html}
}

@article{gabrielPoliticalCostsAusterity2023,
  title = {The {{Political Costs}} of {{Austerity}}},
  author = {Gabriel, Ricardo Duque and Klein, Mathias and Pessoa, Ana Sofia},
  year = {2023},
  month = sep,
  journal = {The Review of Economics and Statistics},
  pages = {1--45},
  issn = {0034-6535},
  doi = {10.1162/rest_a_01373},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_01373},
  urldate = {2024-01-04},
  abstract = {Using a novel regional database covering over 200 elections in several European countries, this paper provides new empirical evidence on the political consequences of fiscal consolidations. To identify exogenous reductions in regional public spending, we use a Bartik-type instrument that combines regional sensitivities to changes in national government expenditures with narrative national consolidation episodes. Fiscal consolidations lead to a significant increase in extreme parties' vote share, lower voter turnout, and a rise in political fragmentation. We highlight the close relationship between detrimental economic developments and voters' support for extreme parties by showing that austerity induces severe deconomic costs through lowering GDP, employment, private investment, and wages. Austerity-driven recessions amplify the political costs of economic downturns considerably by increasing distrust in the political environment.},
  keywords = {MarkdownNote},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/TPJFMEHM/gabriel_2023_the political costs of austerity.pdf}
}

@article{gurievPoliticalEconomyPopulism2022,
  title = {The {{Political Economy}} of {{Populism}}},
  author = {Guriev, Sergei and Papaioannou, Elias},
  year = {2022},
  month = sep,
  journal = {Journal of Economic Literature},
  volume = {60},
  number = {3},
  pages = {753--832},
  issn = {0022-0515},
  doi = {10.1257/jel.20201595},
  url = {https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jel.20201595},
  urldate = {2024-01-16},
  abstract = {We synthesize the literature on the recent rise of populism. First, we discuss definitions and present descriptive evidence on the recent increase in support for populists. Second, we cover the  historical evolution of populist regimes since the late nineteenth century. Third, we discuss the role of secular economic factors related to cross-border trade and automation. Fourth, we review  studies on the role of the 2008--09 global financial crisis and subsequent austerity, connect them to historical work covering the Great Depression, and discuss likely mechanisms. Fifth, we discuss  studies on identity politics, trust, and cultural backlash. Sixth, we discuss economic and cultural consequences of growth in immigration and the recent refugee crisis. We also discuss the gap  between perceptions and reality regarding immigration. Seventh, we review studies on the impact of the internet and social media. Eighth, we discuss the literature on the implications of populism's  recent rise. We conclude outlining avenues for further research.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Cycles Financial Crises Economics of Minorities Races Indigenous Peoples and Immigrants,Economic Anthropology,Language,Political Processes: Rent-seeking Lobbying Elections Legislatures and Voting Behavior Business Fluctuations,Social and Economic Stratification},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/CAL492B4/guriev_2022_the political economy of populism.pdf}
}

@article{halikiopoulouRisksCostsLabour2016,
  title = {Risks, {{Costs}} and {{Labour Markets}}: {{Explaining Cross-National Patterns}} of {{Far Right Party Success}} in {{European Parliament Elections}}},
  shorttitle = {Risks, {{Costs}} and {{Labour Markets}}},
  author = {Halikiopoulou, Daphne and Vlandas, Tim},
  year = {2016},
  journal = {JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies},
  volume = {54},
  number = {3},
  pages = {636--655},
  issn = {1468-5965},
  doi = {10.1111/jcms.12310},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/jcms.12310},
  urldate = {2024-02-09},
  abstract = {Does the economy affect patterns of far-right party support across countries? This article reconceptualizes micro-level analyses that focus on the effect of unemployment through a framework of costs, risks and the mediating role of labour market institutions. It then derives several hypotheses and tests them on the results of the previous three EP elections in all EU Member States. Findings from multiple regression analyses indicate that unemployment, real GDP growth, debt and deficits have no statistically significant effect on far-right party support at the national level. By contrast, labour market institutions influence costs and risks: where unemployment benefits and dismissal regulations are high, unemployment has no effect, but where either one of them is low, unemployment leads to higher far-right party support. This explains why unemployment has not led to far-right party support in some European countries that experienced the severity of the 2008 eurozone crisis.},
  copyright = {{\copyright} 2015 The Author(s) JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies {\copyright} 2015 John Wiley \& Sons Ltd},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Economic crisis,European Parliament,Far right parties,Immigration,Labour market institutions,Welfare state},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/FGW4HIBF/halikiopoulou_2016_risks, costs and labour markets.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/LQEM6H9M/Halikiopoulou and Vlandas - 2016 - Risks, Costs and Labour Markets Explaining Cross-.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/Y8RSFGXK/jcms.html}
}

@book{hirschmanExitVoiceLoyalty1972,
  title = {Exit, {{Voice}}, and {{Loyalty}}: {{Responses}} to {{Decline}} in {{Firms}}, {{Organizations}}, and {{States}}},
  shorttitle = {Exit, {{Voice}}, and {{Loyalty}}},
  author = {Hirschman, Albert O.},
  year = {1972},
  month = feb,
  publisher = {{Harvard University Press}},
  abstract = {An innovator in contemporary thought on economic and political development looks here at decline rather than growth. Albert O. Hirschman makes a basic distinction between alternative ways of reacting to deterioration in business firms and, in general, to dissatisfaction with organizations: one, ``exit,'' is for the member to quit the organization or for the customer to switch to the competing product, and the other, ``voice,'' is for members or customers to agitate and exert influence for change ``from within.'' The efficiency of the competitive mechanism, with its total reliance on exit, is questioned for certain important situations. As exit often undercuts voice while being unable to counteract decline, loyalty is seen in the function of retarding exit and of permitting voice to play its proper role.The interplay of the three concepts turns out to illuminate a wide range of economic, social, and political phenomena. As the author states in the preface, ``having found my own unifying way of looking at issues as diverse as competition and the two-party system, divorce and the American character, black power and the failure of `unhappy' top officials to resign over Vietnam, I decided to let myself go a little.''},
  googlebooks = {4gcPEAAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-0-674-25449-7},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Business & Economics / Economics / General,Business & Economics / General}
}

@techreport{hoevermannUmfragehochAFD2023,
  title = {{Das Umfragehoch der AFD}},
  author = {H{\"o}vermann, Andreas},
  year = {2023},
  month = nov,
  pages = {45},
  institution = {{Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Institut (WSI)}},
  url = {https://www.wsi.de/fpdf/HBS-008748/p_wsi_report_92_2023.pdf},
  urldate = {2024-01-15},
  abstract = {Aktuelle Erkenntnisse {\"u}ber die AfD-Wahlbereitschaft aus dem WSI -Erwerbspersonenpane},
  langid = {ngerman},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/UEJR5ZK3/das umfragehoch der afd.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/J5HIRQP5/Das Umfragehoch der AFD.html}
}

@article{kaufmannAfDProgrammIstPlan2016,
  title = {{Das AfD-Programm ist ein Plan f{\"u}r Reiche}},
  author = {Kaufmann, Stephan},
  year = {2016},
  month = apr,
  journal = {Frankfurter Rundschau},
  address = {{Frankfurt am Main}},
  url = {https://www.fr.de/wirtschaft/afd-programm-plan-reiche-11116099.html},
  urldate = {2024-02-06},
  abstract = {Die "Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland" pr{\"a}sentiert sich gerne als Anwalt der Schw{\"a}chsten, doch das Gegenteil ist der Fall. Ein {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber Vorhaben der Partei, die vor allem Wohlhabenden nutzen.},
  langid = {ngerman}
}

@article{kurerDisappointedExpectationsDownward2022,
  title = {Disappointed {{Expectations}}: {{Downward Mobility}} and {{Electoral Change}}},
  shorttitle = {Disappointed {{Expectations}}},
  author = {Kurer, Thomas and Staalduinen, Briitta Van},
  year = {2022},
  month = nov,
  journal = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {116},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1340--1356},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055422000077},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/disappointed-expectations-downward-mobility-and-electoral-change/DE987CD109A835114C6AEADE7FEBB5B8},
  urldate = {2024-02-01},
  abstract = {Postindustrial occupational change has ended an era of unprecedented upward mobility. We examine the political implications of this immense structural shift by introducing the concept of status discordance, which we operationalize as the difference between status expectations formed during childhood and outcomes realized in adulthood. We leverage German household panel data and predictive modeling to provide empirical estimates of status expectations based on childhood circumstances and parental background. The analysis reveals that political dissatisfaction is widespread among voters who fall short of intergenerational status expectations. We show that such dissatisfaction is associated with higher abstention rates, less mainstream party support, and more radical voting. Moreover, we explore variation in status discordance by gender, education, and occupation, which influence the choice between radical left and right parties. Our findings highlight how expectations about opportunities underlie generational voting patterns and shed light on the ongoing breakdown of the postwar political consensus.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {MarkdownNote},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/8YN46RYH/kurer_2022_disappointed expectations.pdf}
}

@book{mauLuettenKleinLeben2019,
  title = {{L{\"u}tten Klein: Leben in der ostdeutschen Transformationsgesellschaft}},
  shorttitle = {{L{\"u}tten Klein}},
  author = {Mau, Steffen},
  year = {2019},
  month = aug,
  publisher = {{Suhrkamp Verlag}},
  abstract = {Steffen Mau w{\"a}chst in den siebziger Jahren im Rostocker Neubauviertel L{\"u}tten Klein auf. 1989 dient er bei der NVA, nach der Wende studiert er, wird schlie{\ss}lich Professor. 30 Jahre nach dem Mauerfall zieht Mau eine pers{\"o}nliche und sozialwissenschaftliche Bilanz. Er nimmt die gesellschaftlichen Br{\"u}che in den Blick, an denen sich Verbitterung und Unmut entz{\"u}nden. Er spricht mit Weggezogenen und Dagebliebenen, schaut zur{\"u}ck auf das Leben in einem Staat, den es nicht mehr gibt. Wie wurde aus der Stadt, in der er gemeinsam mit Kindern aller Schichten seine Jugend verbrachte, ein Ort sozialer Spaltung? Was sind die Ursachen f{\"u}r Unzufriedenheit und politische Entfremdung in den neuen L{\"a}ndern?},
  googlebooks = {FQeQDwAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-3-518-76296-7},
  langid = {ngerman},
  keywords = {Social Science / General,Social Science / Sociology / General}
}

@article{nauIncomePrecarityFinancial2019,
  title = {Income Precarity and the Financial Crisis},
  author = {Nau, Michael and Soener, Matthew},
  year = {2019},
  month = jul,
  journal = {Socio-Economic Review},
  volume = {17},
  number = {3},
  pages = {523--544},
  issn = {1475-1461},
  doi = {10.1093/ser/mwx020},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwx020},
  urldate = {2024-02-09},
  abstract = {American families have become less economically secure in recent decades, and this process accelerated during the 2008 financial crisis and its immediate aftermath. This study investigates how the crisis apportioned income precarity among families compared to pre-crisis years. We use the Survey of Consumer Finances and find that working families suffered the preponderance of income losses from the crisis, although the crisis shifted income losses towards more privileged working families. In fact, middle-income working families now have the same level of income precarity as the working poor, and families in the top income quintile continue to have elevated precarity levels. This result indicates that the middle class continues to bear a growing share of economic risk and that all working families are experiencing heightened insecurity in the post-crisis era.},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/A5498LBD/nau_2019_income precarity and the financial crisis.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/CQNPZ77S/Nau and Soener - 2019 - Income precarity and the financial crisis.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/2ALL2P7E/3882745.html}
}

@incollection{pickelWahlAfDFrustration2019,
  title = {{Die Wahl der AfD. Frustration, Deprivation, Angst oder Wertekonflikt?}},
  booktitle = {{Die Bundestagswahl 2017: Analysen der Wahl-, Parteien-, Kommunikations- und Regierungsforschung}},
  author = {Pickel, Susanne},
  editor = {Korte, Karl-Rudolf and Schoofs, Jan},
  year = {2019},
  pages = {145--175},
  publisher = {{Springer Fachmedien}},
  address = {{Wiesbaden}},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-25050-8_7},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-25050-8_7},
  urldate = {2024-01-12},
  abstract = {Sp{\"a}testens seit der Bundestagswahl 2017 ist die AfD ein ernst zu nehmender Akteur in der bundesdeutschen Parteienlandschaft. Nicht nur Politiker fragen sich, warum es ihr gelang eine so beachtliche Zahl an W{\"a}hler*innen zu mobilisieren. Der Beitrag untersucht diese Frage unter Einbezug von Umfragedaten der German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) 2017. Es zeigt sich, dass politische und soziale Einstellungen die Wahl der AfD und ihr W{\"a}hlerpotenzial besser erkl{\"a}ren k{\"o}nnen als sozialstrukturelle Faktoren. Besonders Gef{\"u}hle der kulturellen Bedrohung, des Ethnozentrismus und des Misstrauens gegen{\"u}ber etablierten Parteien und Politiker*innen bringen B{\"u}rger*innen dazu, f{\"u}r die AfD zu stimmen. Die W{\"a}hler*innen dr{\"u}cken ihre Unzufriedenheit mit der aktuellen Politik als Protestwahl (,,Voice``) aus und fr{\"u}here Nichtw{\"a}hler*innen (,,Exit``) werden mobilisiert.},
  isbn = {978-3-658-25050-8},
  langid = {ngerman},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/YAKUYALX/pickel_2019_die wahl der afd.pdf}
}

@article{pikettyBrahminLeftVs,
  title = {Brahmin {{Left}} vs {{Merchant Right}}: {{Rising Inequality}} and the {{Changing Structure}} of {{Political Conflict}}},
  author = {Piketty, Thomas},
  abstract = {Using post-electoral surveys from France, Britain and the US, this paper documents a striking long-run evolution in the structure of political cleavages. In the 1950s-1960s, the vote for left-wing (socialist-labour-democratic) parties was associated with lower education and lower income voters. It has gradually become associated with higher education voters, giving rise to a ``multiple-elite'' party system in the 2000s-2010s: high-education elites now vote for the ``left'', while highincome/high-wealth elites still vote for the ``right'' (though less and less so). I argue that this can contribute to explain rising inequality and the lack of democratic response to it, as well as the rise of ``populism''. I also discuss the origins of this evolution (rise of globalization/migration cleavage, and/or educational expansion per se) as well as future prospects: ``multiple-elite'' stabilization; complete realignment of the party system along a ``globalists'' (high-education, high-income) vs ``nativists'' (loweducation, low-income) cleavage; return to class-based redistributive conflict (either from an internationalist or nativist perspective). Two main lessons emerge. First, with multi-dimensional inequality, multiple political equilibria and bifurcations can occur. Next, without a strong egalitarian-internationalist platform, it is difficult to unite loweducation, low-income voters from all origins within the same party.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/9Z34MLMD/Piketty - Brahmin Left vs Merchant Right Rising Inequality .pdf}
}

@techreport{puschMindestlohn12Euro2022,
  title = {{Mindestlohn 12 Euro - Auswirkungen in den Kreisen}},
  author = {Pusch, Toralf and Seils, Eric},
  year = {2022},
  month = sep,
  pages = {22},
  address = {{D{\"u}sseldorf}},
  institution = {{Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Institut (WSI)}},
  url = {https://hdl.handle.net/10419/265130},
  urldate = {2024-01-11},
  abstract = {Das Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Institut (WSI) engagiert sich mit Forschung und Beratung f{\"u}r eine faire und menschliche Arbeits- und Lebenswelt. Unter dem Dach der Hans-B{\"o}ckler-Stiftung sucht es nach L{\"o}sungen f{\"u}r Arbeitsmarktprobleme und will dazu beitragen, Lebenschancen gerechter zu gestalten und die soziale Sicherung zu verbessern.},
  langid = {ngerman},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/UYQH748X/pusch_2022_mindestlohn 12 euro - auswirkungen in den kreisen.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/GPHIHFWL/faust-detail.html}
}

@article{schuetzeFirstGermanyFar2023,
  title = {In a {{First}}, {{Germany}}'s {{Far Right AfD Party Will Take Control}} of a {{District}}},
  author = {Schuetze, Christopher F.},
  year = {2023},
  month = jun,
  journal = {The New York Times},
  issn = {0362-4331},
  url = {https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/26/world/europe/germany-afd-far-right.html},
  urldate = {2024-02-05},
  abstract = {The election victory was a breakthrough for the Alternative for Germany party: It gained a majority in a district, albeit a tiny one, and will have bureaucratic authority over it.},
  chapter = {World},
  langid = {american},
  keywords = {Alternative for Germany,Hocke Bjorn (1972- ),Right-Wing Extremism and Alt-Right,Thuringia (Germany)}
}

@article{snowerCaringHandThat2006,
  title = {The {{Caring Hand}} That {{Cripples}}: {{The East German Labor Market}} after {{Reunification}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Caring Hand}} That {{Cripples}}},
  author = {Snower, Dennis J. and Merkl, Christian},
  year = {2006},
  month = may,
  journal = {American Economic Review},
  volume = {96},
  number = {2},
  pages = {375--382},
  issn = {0002-8282},
  doi = {10.1257/000282806777212314},
  url = {https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/000282806777212314},
  urldate = {2024-02-01},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Aggregate Human Capital Labor Force and Employment Size and Structure Wage Level and Structure,Employment,Intergenerational Income Distribution,Neighborhood Characteristics,Population,Regional Labor Markets,Unemployment,Wage Differentials Unemployment: Models Duration Incidence and Job Search Urban Rural Regional Real Estate and Transportation Economics: Regional Migration,Wages},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/Q3GVN4KH/snower_2006_the caring hand that cripples.pdf}
}

@article{toberHaushaltspezifischeTeuerungsraten2022,
  title = {{Haushaltspezifische Teuerungsraten}},
  author = {Tober, Silke},
  year = {2022},
  month = jan,
  journal = {IMK Policy Brief},
  number = {114},
  abstract = {3. Haushaltsspezifische Teuerungsraten: Wie stark unterscheidet sich die Belastung durch Inflation?},
  langid = {ngerman},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/KQG6AKWI/Tober - IMK Policy Brief Nr. 114.pdf}
}

@article{UmfrageJobsicherheitLohn,
  title = {{Umfrage zu Jobsicherheit, Lohn und Arbeitsstolz: AfD-W{\"a}hler sind h{\"a}ufiger unzufrieden mit dem eigenen Job}},
  shorttitle = {{Umfrage zu Jobsicherheit, Lohn und Arbeitsstolz}},
  journal = {Der Tagesspiegel Online},
  issn = {1865-2263},
  url = {https://www.tagesspiegel.de/umfrage-zu-jobsicherheit-lohn-und-arbeitsstolz-afd-wahler-sind-haufiger-unzufrieden-mit-dem-eigenen-job-10861864.html},
  urldate = {2024-01-15},
  abstract = {Einer Umfrage der Hans-B{\"o}ckler-Stiftung zufolge sind W{\"a}hler der Rechtsau{\ss}enpartei unzufriedener mit ihrer beruflichen Situation als andere. Nur 42 Prozent halten ihren Lohn f{\"u}r angemessen.},
  langid = {ngerman},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/G26GSAGK/umfrage-zu-jobsicherheit-lohn-und-arbeitsstolz-afd-wahler-sind-haufiger-unzufrieden-mit-dem-eig.html}
}

@article{utarWorkersFloodgatesLowWage2018,
  title = {Workers beneath the {{Floodgates}}: {{Low-Wage Import Competition}} and {{Workers}}' {{Adjustment}}},
  shorttitle = {Workers beneath the {{Floodgates}}},
  author = {Utar, Hale},
  year = {2018},
  month = oct,
  journal = {The Review of Economics and Statistics},
  volume = {100},
  number = {4},
  pages = {631--647},
  issn = {0034-6535},
  doi = {10.1162/rest_a_00727},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_00727},
  urldate = {2024-02-09},
  abstract = {Using employee-employer matched data, I analyze the impact of a low-wage trade shock on manufacturing workers in a high-wage country, Denmark, and how they adjust to the shock over a decade. I derive causal effects by exploiting the dismantling of the Multifiber Arrangement quotas on products from China upon its WTO accession as a quasi-natural experiment and use within-industry, within-occupation heterogeneity in workers' exposure to this shock. I find significant negative long-run effects on earnings and employment trajectories and identify job instability in the service sector as a main adjustment friction, concentrated among workers with manufacturing-specific education and occupation. The results establish the importance of specific human capital in trade adjustment and provide evidence of skill upgrading as workers rebuild lost human capital through education.},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/AYJKKGF9/utar_2018_workers beneath the floodgates.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/JW9J744J/Utar - 2018 - Workers beneath the Floodgates Low-Wage Import Co.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/4V5UGL3Z/Workers-beneath-the-Floodgates-Low-Wage-Import.html}
}

@article{valentinoEconomicCulturalDrivers2017,
  title = {Economic and {{Cultural Drivers}} of {{Immigrant Support Worldwide}}},
  author = {Valentino, Nicholas A. and Soroka, Stuart N. and Iyengar, Shanto and Aalberg, Toril and Duch, Raymond and Fraile, Marta and Hahn, Kyu S. and Hansen, Kasper M. and Harell, Allison and Helbling, Marc and Jackman, Simon D. and Kobayashi, Tetsuro},
  year = {2017},
  journal = {26},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press (CUP)}},
  issn = {0007-1234},
  doi = {10.1017/S000712341700031X},
  url = {https://ntnuopen.ntnu.no/ntnu-xmlui/handle/11250/2493305},
  urldate = {2024-01-16},
  abstract = {Employing a comparative experimental design drawing on over 18,000 interviews across eleven countries on four continents, this article revisits the discussion about the economic and cultural drivers of attitudes towards immigrants in advanced democracies. Experiments manipulate the occupational status, skin tone and national origin of immigrants in short vignettes. The results are most consistent with a Sociotropic Economic Threat thesis: In all countries, higher-skilled immigrants are preferred to their lower-skilled counterparts at all levels of native socio-economic status (SES). There is little support for the Labor Market Competition hypothesis, since respondents are not more opposed to immigrants in their own SES stratum. While skin tone itself has little effect in any country, immigrants from Muslim-majority countries do elicit significantly lower levels of support, and racial animus remains a powerful force.},
  langid = {english},
  annotation = {Accepted: 2018-04-10T07:01:32Z},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/N8IHZLFZ/Valentino et al. - 2017 - Economic and Cultural Drivers of Immigrant Support.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/XACE5HW3/valentino_2017_economic and cultural drivers of immigrant support worldwide.pdf}
}

@article{voellingerSaaleOrlaKreisCDUKandidatGewinnt2024,
  title = {{Saale-Orla-Kreis: CDU-Kandidat gewinnt Stichwahl gegen AfD um Landratsposten}},
  shorttitle = {{Saale-Orla-Kreis}},
  author = {V{\"o}llinger, Veronika},
  year = {2024},
  month = jan,
  journal = {Die Zeit},
  address = {{Hamburg}},
  issn = {0044-2070},
  url = {https://www.zeit.de/politik/deutschland/2024-01/saale-orla-kreis-landrat-stichwahl-cdu-afd-christian-herrgott},
  urldate = {2024-02-22},
  abstract = {Im th{\"u}ringischen Saale-Orla-Kreis wird die CDU den Landrat stellen. Mit etwas mehr als 2.000 Stimmen R{\"u}ckstand konnte die AfD keinen zweiten derartigen Posten holen.},
  langid = {ngerman},
  keywords = {Bjorn Hocke,CDU,Christian Herrgott,David Begrich,Friedrich Zillessen,Jens Schlueter,Robert Pausch,Sahra Wagenknecht,Thuringen,Uwe Thrum},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/XH8LXJ27/saale-orla-kreis-landrat-stichwahl-cdu-afd-christian-herrgott.html}
}

@article{weisskircherStrengthFarRightAfD2020,
  title = {The {{Strength}} of {{Far-Right AfD}} in {{Eastern Germany}}: {{The East-West Divide}} and the {{Multiple Causes}} behind `{{Populism}}'},
  shorttitle = {The {{Strength}} of {{Far-Right AfD}} in {{Eastern Germany}}},
  author = {Weisskircher, Man{\`e}s},
  year = {2020},
  journal = {The Political Quarterly},
  volume = {91},
  number = {3},
  pages = {614--622},
  issn = {1467-923X},
  doi = {10.1111/1467-923X.12859},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-923X.12859},
  urldate = {2024-02-01},
  abstract = {This article sheds light on one of the key developments in recent German politics and relates it to the broader debate on the electoral success of the far right. The rise of the Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD, Alternative for Germany) is also a story about Germany's internal political divide three decades after reunification, as the party has roughly twice as much support in the east than in the west. The article analyses the country's east-west divide, strongly visible in widespread sentiments of societal marginalisation among eastern Germans. The key socio-structural differences between the east and the west relate to matters of economics, migration, and representation---and provide a setting suitable to AfD strength in the east. In explaining the party's electoral success in eastern Germany, the article echoes recent scholarship which rejects narrow explanations for the strength of `populism', and instead highlights its multiple causes.},
  copyright = {{\copyright} 2020 The Authors. The Political Quarterly published by John Wiley \& Sons Ltd on behalf of Political Quarterly Publishing Co (PQPC)},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {AfD,cleavage,east-west divide,Germany,populism,radical right},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/48I7TGYH/Weisskircher - 2020 - The Strength of Far-Right AfD in Eastern Germany .pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/4M385ABP/weisskircher_2020_the strength of far-right afd in eastern germany.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/LFV8GFL3/1467-923X.html}
}

@article{zagorskiExitVoiceAbstention2021,
  title = {Exit or {{Voice}}: {{Abstention}} and {{Support}} for {{Populist Radical Right Parties}} in {{Central}} and {{Eastern Europe}}},
  shorttitle = {Exit or {{Voice}}},
  author = {Zag{\'o}rski, Piotr and Santana, Andr{\'e}s},
  year = {2021},
  month = jul,
  journal = {Problems of Post-Communism},
  volume = {68},
  number = {4},
  pages = {264--278},
  publisher = {{Routledge}},
  issn = {1075-8216},
  doi = {10.1080/10758216.2021.1903330},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1903330},
  urldate = {2024-02-06},
  abstract = {Despite the growing literature on populist radical-right parties (PRRP), the relationship between turnout and populist voting remains understudied, especially for Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). In this article, we analyze the individual-level factors that differentiate between those choosing voice (voting for PRRP) and exit (abstention) in the 2019 European Parliament elections. We estimate pooled logistic regression models for twelve PRRP from six CEE countries. Our findings show that anti-immigration and Euroskeptic attitudes---but also, unlike in Western Europe, trust in the national elites and satisfaction with democracy---increase the odds of PRRP voting instead of abstaining.},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/DTJFEQC5/Zagórski and Santana - 2021 - Exit or Voice Abstention and Support for Populist.pdf;/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/QDVGWMFN/zagórski_2021_exit or voice.pdf}
}

@incollection{zavodnyPoliticalEconomyMinimum2020a,
  title = {Political {{Economy}} of {{Minimum Wages}}},
  booktitle = {Handbook of {{Labor}}, {{Human Resources}} and {{Population Economics}}},
  author = {Zavodny, Madeline},
  editor = {Zimmermann, Klaus F.},
  year = {2020},
  pages = {1--14},
  publisher = {{Springer International Publishing}},
  address = {{Cham}},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-57365-6_155-1},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-319-57365-6_155-1},
  urldate = {2024-01-10},
  isbn = {978-3-319-57365-6},
  langid = {english},
  file = {/Users/marten/Zotero/storage/6RQAE69N/Zavodny - 2020 - Political Economy of Minimum Wages.pdf}
}